Nile Valley Rush Productions

Greetings readers

The Dread team send out a special thank you to all for your continued readership and invite any input or points of view that you may have to offer.

Our present ponderings lead us to analyse the role of Western democracy in Afrikan society and government, especially given the recent interventions by the West in the diplomatic and sovereign affairs of Asian and African nations. The past three decades or so have seen the intensification in of the philosophy that often guides such 'interventions'; plainly put, this philosophy assumes that the West are at a more advanced stage of social (not just infrastructural) development. This assumption enables the war in Iraq to occur by "pre-emptive strike" in blatant disregard for international law, and worse, the economic sanctioning of already struggling states such as Zimbabwe and shockingly, now Kenya as she sizzles in potential strife.

In the Western press and analysis by which we are bombarded daily, there is little questioning of the underpinnings of the expansion of western democracy, ie the assumption that the western model is in fact a natural state of human society. Not only that, but also that this state is at a higher level of development than is those of the states that are subjected to interventions, military or economic.

So, today we at the Dread headquarters iditate over the presumptions of superiority of western democratic thought versus governments that are formed and informed by indigenous philosophy. These indigenous social philosophies are being thwarted by the oppressive ideals of neo-liberalism that also, to add insult to injury, continue to perpetuate violence and inequality. So we ask the question: is western democracy the only way, or is there some other, as yet unpronounced solution to war and strife in many nations rising now from the drudgery of colonialism?

The recent re-affirmation of Western hegemony by the NATO coalition voiced by David Cameron's
suggestion that the security and fate of the new world depended on the maintenance and strengthening of "Atlanticism", or of the link enjoyed by member nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). While it is unsurprising that a UK Conservative Party Leader would espouse such an opinion, it is highly arrogant and politically imprudent to voice in is such a time as when the wars in Irak and Afghanistan bring deadly terror to the native populations of these countries already divided internally.

The philosophy that is behind these resurgance of unilateral imperialism puts Africa and Afrikan peoples in a position of having to justify any emergence from their current situation in the current world order. The only way out or up for them is to completely divorce themselves of the oppressive philosophy of Western hegemony and move toward empowerment, both nationally and regionally. The Western way of accumulating wealth has used us as slaves first and now as losers in the socio-political and economic game of national sel-determination.

To paraphrase a quote from Dr. John Henrik Clarke, African villages never had prisons because there was no need for them, no sanitorium because no one went insane, and no death penalty. Indeed, perhaps were it not for the precedential 'interventions' by the colonialist powers in Africa with their brands of oppressive governance, the African structure of society may have remained and developed into a beneficial and harmonious arrangement for all. Unfortunately though, there is little distinction between the mold of thought that gave rise to colonialist interventions versus that by the neo-liberals. Whereas before the colonialists had proclaimed the necessity of religious conversion of native, so called primitive populations, the new breed of imperialists now come to convert these resilient natives to liberalisation of trade, privatisation, and democratic elections within the sloppy post-colonial boundaries still staining the geopolitical landscape. Then, and now, the imperialists bear the farcical mask of moralistic insight to again rape and rob societies that, we argue, are better able to administer themselves using naturally placed insight.

The first observation that invites scepticism of any western insight into how governments and democracy is that western society is itself so rotten to te core with poverty, corruption, inequality, racism, war, and the list goes on. If this is the end result of their brand of democracy, then surely it must not be in our best interests to continue to take a page from these perpetrators of strife. Many would nevertheless argue perhaps that the west maintains a peaceful environment relative to African nations, so their tactic must be working.

But these proponents would be forgetting that Europe and America were, no so long ago, involved also in tribal war; in this case it was called world war II. This war was at least in part fought over the former colonies. European colonial power was and still is unsustainable without the continued usurpment of African/Asian resources; now, in the wake of their acceptance of a post-colonial era, they have now united in their advocacy of numerous policies and politics to maintain their cash cows. Now they are NATO. Now they are Atlanticists. Now they realise that if they can work together instead of fighting against each other, they can even mroe effectively drink their fill from nascent states, and thereby stablise their fragile economies. In light of this history, it is clearly ridiculous to lend any credence to the notion that the new imperialist converters come with any more enlightment or goodwill than their colonial predecessors.

Love

The violence-ridden Kenyan elections of December 27, 2007 represent a sad moment in the history of this proud nation, who has for some time been a beacon of hope in the quest for African models of democracy. Having largely maintained stability in the post-colonial years following its attainment of independence under the leadership of Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya has been a multiparty state since 1997. Although Kenya's postcolonial history has not been without turbulence, an hopeful era began following the peaceful exit of President Daniel arap Moi after his magnanimous defeat at the polls by Mwai Kibaki in 2002. For the last five years, Kibaki's government has maintained peace and relative stability in Kenya despite a continuing trend of class inequality. Nevertheless, as one of the largest African economies, Kenya has been considered to be a model of African governance.

Last week, Kenya's electoral process was again put to the test. Sadly, however, this election of 2007 has been stained by claims of election rigging by Kibaki's government. Indeed, EU observers have condemned the election results, adding fuel to the fiery rejection of the election results by supporters of opposition leader Raila Odinga. All of this has brought Kenya to the brink of civil war along tribal lines, between the Kikuyu largely represented by President Kibaki, and the Luo represented by Odinga. Scores have already been slain by record violence perpetrated by both opposition supporters and government forces as Africa and the international community at large scramble to avoid looming crisis.

Given that Kenya has for so long resisted tribal conflict on any massive scale, and given the forecasts of hope for this fledgling democracy, we at the Dread Team ask the obvious questions: Why Kenya? Why now?

The first point that has to be considered is taken from an historical perspective, beginning with the colonial boundaries laid out by Britain in the early to mid nineteenth century. As has infamously been the case in many regions, the summary grouping of disparate tribal entities has had disastrous consequences, in many ways contradicting traditional law and practice. In such contexts of subnational tribalism as is seen in much of Africa, the pluralistic presumptions of Western democratic thought are rendered inapplicable in the reality of non-European situations. The ensuing result of ill-informed, badly drawn colonial boundaries, it seems, is at its worst the eruption of mass brutality between forcibly confronted subnational groups.

But Kenya had for so long averted this fate, played out repeatedly elsewhere in world politics in this the dawn of the postcolonial era. So, why now? Indeed, any type of political unrest is often symbolic of a desperate populace, an impoverished populace. Despite Kibaki's progress in the last five years in tackling endemic corruption, increasing economic growth, and improving access to primary education, most Kenyans remain below the poverty line and the disparity between rich and poor continues to grow. Curruption remains endemic and Kenya continues to bargain from a disadvantageous position in world trade matters.

Given these facts, the Kenyan people appear to have been reasonably primed for a change and invested their faith in their young and hopeful democracy to effect this change. If Opposition supporters are correct in their assertions of impropriety in these recent elections, then Kibaki has done his country a great disservice for the small and costly reward of continued power. In any event, his actions following the disputed election have churned the widespread suspicions of fraud and so are non-conducive to progressive democracy in Kenya. Notably, it was most imprudent of Kibaki to resume the protocol of signing in minutes after the completion of the vote counting, even as rumours raged of election rigging.

Sadly, despite a largely peaceful run-up to election, ethnicity is being exploited in the aftermath of a suspicious election result for egoistic political gain, and the casualties are the Kenyan people. Therefore, while many Western commentators have attributed the recent violence in Kenya to deep tribal rifts, the matter seems to also be a case of a people who are tired of their will being thwarted. They, the aspirational model of the African future of governance, have tasted the sweet fruit of freedom since the defeat of Moi by Kibaki in the 2002 elections, and will accept no less than full accountability from their leaders. When these basic wants of a progressive society are unmet, existing tribal antagonism is ripe for eruption.

The best defeat of tribal discontent is in the attainment of prosperity across the board, at the national level. Why Kenya, now? Why this disturbance in the path of this beautiful nations' heralded success? Perhaps this recent chain of events represents the syndromic tribal unrest seen in her neighbours, Uganda, Rwanda, Somalia etc and directly attributable to the faulty colonial arangements left in place. Or perheps this is a different flavour, that of a people exhibiting defiant refusal of political opacity following a taste of progress. And the added exploitation of ethnic tension by politicians, itself a consequience of colonial interference. Perhaps this will be but a blip in the forward movement of Kenya's political process. Nevertheless, this represents a significant study in the difficulties still presenting obstacles to African progress: neo-colonialist capitalism that continues to deepen wealth disparity, tribal tension exacerbated by lingering effects of colonialism, corruption, the inappropriate superposition of Western democratic concepts. Let us hope that all contenders in this volatile matter are inclined toward the high road, toward the ultimate dream of Kenyan and African excellence. We at the Dread team express solidarity with our Kenyans brothers and sisters in these trying times.

Bless

Today, a page turns in history as a new year, 2008, is born, while another, 2007 expires. 2007 has been a year of interesting developments in the Afrikan world, of highs and lows and of trials and triumph. Africa has roared in her defiant refusal to submit to the neocolonial connotations of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) as laid out once again be the hungry European wolves. She has seen unprecendented economic growth rates at roughly 5% per annum. She, more and more, owns her own. There is increasingly reason to be hopeful about a glorious future that is of our making.

Despite this, Afrika and her diasporic offspring in the Americas, Europe, CAribbean and elsewhere continue to face enormous challenges that are historic in nature and difficult to crack. In 2007, this was particularly apparent in the violence that consumed electoral processes in several countries, the most recet of which is the violent riots in Kenya this past few days. There are other instances of violence in elections this year: Zimbabwe, Jamaica, Nigeria to name a few. Indeed, regional instability as initiated and sustained by a Western plot to nurture its waning civilisation is a recurring theme in world politics.

At the same time, Haiti has sustained peace following a smooth transition to the leadership of President Rene Preval in 2006 and the Bahamas has maintained a largely non-violent democratic process in its elections of summer 2007. Therefore, there is little doubt that although we are still mired in the wicked and one-sided system that has been constructed for the extraction of our God-given claims to justice and equality, we continue to move upward and out of a construct that is nary to our benefit.

2007 has also been a year of individual achievement for Afrikans the world over. 2007 saw the glorious rise of many young and dynamic athletic talents as highlighted for example by the IAAF world indoor championships. The show was taken by the Kenyan long-dsitance runners and by the Caribbean sprinters. 2007 is a particularly interesting year for Black individual achievement because of the contention of Barack Obama, an Africn-American, for the Presidency of the USA. That he has done so while still largely maintaining the overall respect of African Americans while remaining a attractive candidate to middle America is even more impressive.

We, the Dread Team have witnessed the unedifying spread of many common tropical diseases which have unleashed ill-health and poverty due to catastropchic changes in family relations due to the death of a young able working adult in the family. Of course, we are still in 2007 referring to the devastation of HIV/AIDS for the world, and for the Afrikan world in particular. We have made progress in 2007 but are we winning enough medical research battles to rescue the number of those who now face sure death?

Africa alone cannot answer these questions which trouble the minds of presidents and prime ministers, ministers and other elected officials, or at least of those who really have the progress of their countries and of the Black world in general. 2007 was the trumpeting event for the abolition of slavery in the British empire, one where the theme sanctioned by all (media, politicians, civil servants, everyone) in reference to the lesser position of Black in British society is through the prism of slavery and inferiority celebrated for finally disproving what the white masters in Whitehall deamed the natural superiority of the paler races. This 2007 was the year for rememberence of how our masters gave of themselves and of their good hearts to 'liberate' us from a system we could not free ourselves of alone (in their minds). Hence, Wilberforce, Jackson and cie.

The manipulation of the media in continuing to represent Africa and the Black world as impoverished jungles of tribal violence continue to hurt the economic prospect of Africa for attracting investments. Perception, still in 2007 was and is everything.

Part of that perception has to continue to be the flagrant exhibition of natural pride, despite what the media infiltrators may intend. The African Union has made significant strides in its development, having met for a conference on Science and Technology in January of 2007. Africa is looking to the future, and she is moving in the direction of her vision. These are indeed historic times.

Thus, we continue to be face with the dichotomous twins entities of political unrest, inequality, social deprivation and poverty on the one hand, and of the hopeful future as forecast by academics on the other. There is little doubt that we can only continue in the direction of development of our collective ideals only as long as we remain fixed on addressing each of these entities. Because equality is embedded in our natural birthright and thus we at the close of 2007 find ourselves in history in the making, asking the question of ourselves as to how we can avert the oppressive will of Western hegemony while maintaining a peaceful course of self development. A crowning moment in 2007, a Year in Black, has been the African continent's refusal to sign the EPA agreements. This demonstrates the capacity for Africa to demand her own destiny. We at the Dread Team dream of a day when Africa's children can rest again and rise to their rightful place in world order.

The future is Black

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